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  • Title: The effect of labor migration on relations of exchange and subordination among the Rashaayda Bedouin of Sudan.
    Author: Young WC.
    Journal: Res Econ Anthropol; 1987; 9():191-220. PubMed ID: 12281017.
    Abstract:
    This study is based on qualitative data gathered during 3 years of fieldwork among the Rashaayda, Arabic-speaking pastoralists in Sudan. Prior to 1956, every Rashiidy household was linked to other households by 3 types of social relations: 1) patrilineal descent, 2) co-residence, and 3) incorporation by purchase. After 1956, "slaves" retained membership in the tribe, but were not economically dependent on "free owners" and lived apart from "free" Rashaayda. Yet most Rashaayda sought aid from 1) patrilineal kin, 2) neighbors, and 3) former "owners" or "slaves." If the household were short of workers it could recruit extra help from neighboring households and from households that were not co-resident but were related to it agnatically. Due to rising oil prices, in 1974 opportunities for Rashiidy men in oil-exporting countries became available. The 1st Rashaayda to go to the Gulf (in 1975) were men from impoverished households who had lost most of their animals and had abandoned pastoral nomadism. There were jobs in the Gulf for expert camel racers, herders, livestock brokers, and clerks. To buy plane tickets to Mecca, the migrants sold their few remaining animals. Once these 1st migrants had found jobs, they were allowed to remain in the country as legal workers. When their terms of employment were over, most migrants returned to Sudan and transformed their wages into durable wealth. The success of this 1st group encouraged a 2nd group of less impoverished men to consider migration (1977-1980). Like the 1st group, the 2nd group had to obtain capital, contract, extra labor (at home), and investment opportunities to be able to leave. For the 2nd group, obtaining these things was more difficult: 1) they had to sell more milk and camels than they would normally, 2) they either had to travel to Saudi Arabia as pilgrims and contact employers then or purchase contracts from Rashaayda who had returned to Sudan, 3) they had to hire outsiders to work for them while they were away, and 4) they invested in jewelry, businesses, and 2nd wives. Thus, the Rashaayda developed mutual trust with some of the other pastoral peoples of the region. Exchanges between rural Rashaayda and urban Sudanese emerged (through business and marriage). The infusion of cash into the Rashaayda's economy has also enabled them to respond productively to worsening ecological conditions in Sudan. Finally, economic and political inequalities among still-pastoral Bedouin are today much less pronounced than earlier.
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